David Altheide
Donald Trump won the 2024 Presidential election with the politics of fear carried by entertaining media, particularly the digital media anarchy that cultivated audiences with messages that were instantaneous, personal, and visual. Recurring media messages that the economy was the deciding factor dismiss the resounding Republican fears about crime and immigration. Economy was also a main issue in the 2020 election, but according to Pew researchers, “Among Trump supporters, the economy (93%), immigration (82%) and violent crime (76%) are the leading issues.”
Researchers document how Trump’s demagoguery, narcissism, and delusions inspired supporters who interpreted, neutralized, and reframed his racist statements about migrants to make them acceptable, even praiseworthy. A journalist noted: “I had countless conversations with people who were quick to dismiss or rationalize whatever controversy happened to be swirling around him at any moment. People saw in him whatever they wanted to see. And they believed that, after so many years, they knew him, and that he knew them, too.”
His relentless attacks over a decade about migrants as criminals, rapists, drug dealers and terrorists who were replacing America’s white culture, jobs, houses and futures, resonated with many people who identified as patriots opposing an onslaught of attacks against American culture. Journalists affirmed how audiences adopted Trump’s rhetoric: “Rather than be turned off by Mr. Trump’s flagrant, anger-based appeals along lines of race, gender, religion, national origin and especially transgender identity, many Americans found them bracing. Rather than be offended by his brazen lies and wild conspiracy theories, many found him authentic. Rather than dismiss him as a felon found by various courts to be a fraudster, cheater, sexual abuser and defamer, many embraced his assertion that he has been the victim of persecution.”
Digital repetition and fiery slogans drove this home. He talked in simple words and sentences, promoting disrespect, name-calling, and routinely violated traditions of public discourse and decency. He became a bully to the rescue. Researchers document how his hyper-masculine logic and appeal to emotions of hate, outrage and fear propelled numerous lies and attacks on institutions and norms of governance. These messages justified the insurrection he led to support his false but often-repeated lie that he won the election, that it was stolen by the deep state and corrupt officials at the national, state, and local levels.
Moreover, these claims were legitimized by members of Congress and many other prominent leaders, including his numerous advisors and generals, many of whom had solid reputations as men and women of integrity and honor. Trump’s supporters’ identification as crusaders of a higher moral—even religious–order seldom waivered, even when many of these enablers retracted their support and provided details about his ignorance, poor judgment, racism, and stupidity.
Trump’s simple messages also stressed that pervasive fears among millions of Americans were legitimate. Sensational entertaining news reports about crime, drugs, and terrorists have become staples of local news for decades. These became more common on national networks during the last decade, especially as videos popular on YouTube, Facebook and other social media were used as click bait by networks to attract audiences and build ratings.
A reporter commented on the propaganda of fear: “…But hatred, and fear, are powerful forces, too, and Mr. Trump’s scaremongering tactics reached new levels in this campaign. By the end, he was using imagery generated by artificial intelligence depicting brown-skinned people marching on hospitals and preying on women. His messaging had become so dehumanizing, he wasn’t even showing actual human beings anymore.”
Trump’s recurring message was that established social institutions, including voting laws, policies, procedures, governmental oversight and regulations, were inadequate to handle these largely fictional threats. Research shows that his repeated solution was that only he could solve these problems and protect citizens.
The media’s penchant for entertainment favored harsh language and false and outrageous claims. As a maestro of media logic—favoring drama and conflict– Trump played the media. The media continued to carry many of his statements despite documenting tens of thousands of lies about people, policies, crime, his opposition, and accomplishments. Trump ruled the agenda, routinely saying outrageous things that would generate comments and denials, to which he would add further commentary, nearly always complaining that the ‘fake news’ media were out to get him. He, along with the right-wing Fox news, has successfully degraded trust in established mass media.
The media, with exceptions, were stuck in the ‘two sides’ format: A Trump statement is followed by a refutation, then Trump comments again, as though blatant lies and falsehoods were a legitimate side. The media’s approach was to occasionally ‘fact check’ by noting that a blatant lie and falsehood that had just been aired about crime rates, migrant terrorists, etc., were not accurate. Then, on to the next lie. A National Public Radio (NPR) report suggests the impact on news reporting was astounding: “Now, even the practice of fact-checking has become controversial, with Trump acolytes questioning what constitutes a fact. We have reached a point where the idea of fact-checking is regarded as polarizing.”
Meanwhile, Trump’s digital media teams were using algorithms to individualize digital messages about how he was being victimized and railroaded by a weaponized justice system at the state and federal levels. He promised revenge and retribution against all those who were attacking him because he was protecting his supporters. An ultimate show was CNN’s broadcast of his Madison Square Garden (MSG) rally on October 27 that included numerous racist comments about Puerto Ricans—a comedian said Puerto Rico was “a floating island of garbage”—Blacks, Hispanics, and misogynic attacks on the “enemy within.”
One of his key advisors, Steven Miller, who has provided a detailed plan about deporting millions of migrants, said proudly—reminiscent of Hitler—“America for Americans.” These comments resonated positively and negatively through swing states and contributed to a pre-election surge for Trump. A reporterobserved: “Many speculated that rally would torch his inroads with Black and Hispanic voters. In reality, he put up bigger numbers across the city than ever before. The rightward shift was especially notable in Queens, Brooklyn and the Bronx.”
His followers’ fears were powerful, even though objectively unfounded, but they were enough to boost his final vote tally and usher him to the White House for another disruptive episode in the destruction of the American dream and democratic order.
David L. Altheide is Regents’ Professor Emeritus at Arizona State University. His most recent book is Gonzo Governance: The Media Logic of Donald Trump (2023).
Source: CounterPunch
